Friday, April 3, 2009

Diane DiPrima's Acceptance Speech at PEN Oakland Awards December 2008



Thank you very much. And thank you, Michael, for your introduction. I am truly honored to be here, and especially in view of the great folks who have received this Award—now the Reginald Lockett Award—from PEN Oakland before me.

As a Buddhist, I know that I am a part of an vast interdependent web of being which sustains each of us, and so thanking others is correctly and righteously an endless act. However, I have seven to ten minutes, and will perforce be brief.

First of all I want to thank my elders and teachers: the long line of artists stretching thru time, who kept me on the planet when as a teenager, with a teen's hubris, I thought I was too disgusted to stay: thanks, everyone from Sappho to Baudelaire, Cocteau; thanks to the great woman blues singers, women like Ida Cox & Sara Martin, as well as those more remembered like Bessie Smith, Ma Rainey; Thanks, Rilke and Thank you to Garcia Lorca. thanks to my first mentor, John Keats, whom I found at fourteen, whose guiding words remained true throughout my life: I am certain of nothing but the holiness of the heart's affection and the truth of the imagination.

I want to thank the great spiritual guides who have been there to give me a shove whenever as a so-called grown-up I went too far off-track: Shunryu Suzuki Roshi, Chogyam Trungpa Rinpoche, and my loved teacher for the past 16 years: Lama Tharchin Rinpoche. And the many Buddhist, Sufi and Hindu masters from the past whose words and life-stories have kept me going. Just as an example I think often these days of the words of the Zen master Hakuin:

What remains to be sought? Nirvana is here before me.

This very place the Lotus Paradise, this very body the Buddha.

And a big thank you to all the great social and political seekers who informed my path in the world: my maternal grandfather, the anarchist Domenico Mallozzi, who named my mother for his friend, Emma Goldman, back through the age of great political writing: Mutual Aid, ABC of Anarchism etc. thru the great heretics Giordano Bruno and all the way to the Zoroaster and the I Ching.

But it is my peers and contemporaries I find myself thinking of today. Artists and writers like Phil Whalen, Michael McClure, Audre Lorde, Freddie Herko, Amiri Baraka, Victor Cruz, George Herms, Cecil Taylor -- the list is blessedly and truly endless. I think what our generation had the good fortune to rediscover and what kept us going, kept us truly alive, is the power of community.

When I was little, and my parents had not yet decided that my Italian anarchist grandfather was a bad influence on me, he and I spent a lot of time together. One of the many teachings he gave me then went something like this: If you are hungry, and have one piece of bread, and you eat it, you'll still be hungry. If you sit down with a friend, and break it in half and you both eat, you will both be full. A law of nature

From the time I first left home and college at 18 I found myself living in what we later in the sixties called a commune. In NY there were (among others) the roommates I invited, and the runaways from NJ whom I found at my door. Later there would be a more deliberate household consisting of another writer, a painter, and a dancer. Actor Ben Carruthers joined us for a while, and we all feasted off food he stole for us from the refrigerators of more well-known actors.

When I started New York Poets Theater with Amiri Baraka, my husband Alan Marlowe, composer John McDowell, choreographer James Waring, Alan and I soon learned that running a theatre meant taking in the stage manager and her baby, the drop-out before his time from Canada who became our electrician and trouble-shooter, and half the cast when necessary. One stove, one cook-pot, got us through many lean days.

Amiri Baraka and I put out the Floating Bear every two weeks with the help of Cecil Taylor running the mimeo machine, James Waring proof reading and dancer Fred Herko sticking on mail labels and three-cent stamps (except that he would throw out labels addressed to people he didn't "know", and I'd have to dig in the wastebasket later to add them to the pile). Even Thomas Merton, to whom we sent the Bear, wrote to say he had no $$$ but he was contributing some postage stamps he just stolen from the monastery office. Even after Amiri moved uptown to do the Black Arts movement in Harlem, he and folk would come by my place to use the mimeograph machine for their paper, In Formation.

The Poets Press, which consisted at first of just of an offset press in a $40/month store front, began because 12 Abstract Expressionists whom I phoned each pitched in to buy the $1200 (astronomical figure in those days) Fairchild Davidson and one week of lessons for me. The press did first books of Audre Lode, Herbert Huncke, David Henderson, Clive Matson, and many others. I remember that sculptor Richard Lippold who liked to remain anonymous would have us station a member of our troupe in front of Gem Spa so that he could come by in a taxi and stick his hand out the window with an envelope in it with cash to keep the theatre going.

When I left NYC I lived for six months at Timothy Leary's community at Millbrook New York. Tim's idea was to gather a LOT of creative people in one place, provide whatever they required and a lot of psychedelics, and see what happened. He'd get huge sums for going on the road, and when he left on a trip we'd be told essentially, sign my name to any contracts that come in, deposit any checks that come in, and here's the checkbook for whatever you guys need.

When I came west for good in 1968, I was coming to commune heaven. I came because I had fallen in love with San Francisco in 61 when I first came to visit Michael McClure; I came because I had begun to study with Shunryu Suzuki in 62, at Sokokuji on Bush Street and craved a practice community (sangha); I came to join in with the Diggers and put my shoulder to the wheel. By various forms of wheeling and dealing I had moved 14 grownups (so-called) and all our children typewriters dogs and rifles to the San Francisco. Our house at 1915 Oak Street held on average about 14 of us not counting the kids or the people crashing in the dining room on sheepskins. We were responsible for delivering the free food three times a week, in my VW bus which I'd acquired by means I won't go into here, just before we all left NY. Two times a week we delivered vegetables to 25 communes and two free stores. One time a week we delivered fish. BUT the food was donated by very upstanding merchants and citizens. . .

There was the Free Bank, which various people held. We were in charge of it for a while. It was a shoe box which sat on our refrigerator. People—rock musicians, dope dealers, and others--would come by and put their excess money in and others would come by and take money out as needed. No one kept books and it ran for almost a year, before the cash requirements of some folks' various addictions caused it to die of exhaustion.

When my mother came west to visit me in Marshall (population 50, elevation 15 feet) in 1974, she told me a story. I was born in 1934 in the worst year of the Depression. My father was still making something like $10-12 a week, as a beginning lawyer. He had put himself through law school by working as a janitor. Mom told me that in those years of the Depression he gave a chunk of the food budget to his mother—his parents had a small apartment on Butler St. not for from us—and she and dad and baby me would join his family for dinner every night, to stretch the dollars; feed more people. This was shameful in her eyes—something about the American ideal of independence, but to me it was a story of resourcefulness and common sense. I'm telling it now, because it seems utterly relevant to our present circumstance.

The point of this rambling talk is the power of COMMUNITY. I remember Mr. Natural used to say "Dope will get you through times of no money better than money will get you through times of no dope." Nowadays the Un-Phun Party has been in power so long that we have neither. But COMMUNITY will get us through times of no dope and no money. And a whole lot more.

Wednesday, March 11, 2009

Happy Birthday Jack Kerouac, Born March 12, 1922

Belief and Technique for Modern Prose

  1. Scribbled secret notebooks, and wild typewritten pages, for your own joy
  2. Submissive to everything, open, listening
  3. Try never get drunk outside your own house
  4. Be in love with your life
  5. Something that you feel will find its own form
  6. Be crazy dumbsaint of the mind
  7. Blow as deep as you want to blow
  8. Write what you want bottomless from bottom of the mind
  9. The unspeakable visions of the individual
  10. No time for poetry but exactly what is
  11. Visionary tics shivering in the chest
  12. In tranced fixation dreaming upon object before you
  13. Remove literary, grammatical and syntactical inhibition
  14. Like Proust be an old teahead of time
  15. Telling the true story of the world in interior monolog
  16. The jewel center of interest is the eye within the eye
  17. Write in recollection and amazement for yrself
  18. Work from pithy middle eye out, swimming in language sea
  19. Accept loss forever
  20. Believe in the holy contour of life
  21. Struggle to sketch the flow that already exists intact in mind
  22. Don't think of words when you stop but to see picture better
  23. Keep track of every day the date emblazoned in yr morning
  24. No fear or shame in the dignity of yr experience, language & knowledge
  25. Write for the world to read and see yr exact pictures of it
  26. Bookmovie is the movie in words, the visual American form
  27. In praise of Character in the Bleak inhuman Loneliness
  28. Composing wild, undisciplined, pure, coming in from under, crazier the better
  29. You're a Genius all the time
  30. Writer-Director of Earthly movies Sponsored & Angeled in Heaven

Saturday, February 28, 2009

Obama, Race and the Future of U.S. Politics


Obama, Race and the Future of U.S. Politics

By Bob Wing

Bob Wing is a writer and organizer in South Los Angeles, and former editor of ColorLines magazine and War Times newspaper.


Barack Obama’s victory is indeed an historic breakthrough for U.S. politics. In a country that enforced a system of legalized racism until just 40 years ago, and that was founded on white supremacy, black slavery and Native genocide, the election of the first black president is cause for jubilation.

The significance of Obama’s victory is accentuated by the fact that not only is he an outstanding individual with liberal politics and a community organizer’s instincts, but he is also leading a potentially historic realignment of U.S. politics.

Such realignment could not come at a better time. Beset by a deep economic crisis, now is the time for progressive structural changes to the international and national socio-economic landscape. But such changes will be impossible without enormous political strength.

Whether President Obama can help orchestrate a turnaround of the economic crisis now facing the country, indeed the world, will be revealed in the coming years. But he has already made a major contribution to changing the pattern of U.S. politics, a pattern that was set by slavery and enabled conservative Republicans to dominate the presidency for the last forty years.

However, the development of a mass progressive movement with its own agenda will be critical to consolidating that realignment, and to winning systemic change in the year s to come.

The Color of Election 2008

The enormity of Obama’s victory has led to much hyperbole about the end of racism and the advent of a colorblind society. This notion deserves closer examination lest Obama’s victory become an obstacle, rather than an opening, to future racial progress.

Much of the press has focused on celebrating the willingness of many whites to elect a black president. But just how colorblind is the U.S. electorate?

Despite the fact that the Republicans had failed miserably, even on their own terms, and run the country virtually into the ground, whites still voted for McCain by 55 to 43. In stark contrast, blacks voted for Obama by 95 to 4, Latinos went for Obama by 66 to 32 and Asians backed Obama by 61 to 35. (1)

In 2008, the white vote was virtually identical to election 2000 and continued to exert a strong conservative pull on the electorate while the votes of peoples of color and young people of all races headed powerfully in a more progressive direction.

The color lines, in life and politics, are alive and well.

Indeed, peoples of color made the biggest shifts in their voting between 2004 and 2008. It was they who proved decisive in Obama’s victory. Left to white voters, John McCain would have won a landslide twelve-point victory.

African Americans voted for Obama by an astonishing 95 to 4, a fourteen-point swing for the Democrats compared to 2004. (2) Many a pundit has d ismissed this result as a knee-jerk racial solid arity vote for Obama. How soon they forget that the majority of black voters favored Hillary Clinton for the many months leading up to the Iowa primary.

Much of the mainstream media declared that Latinos were too racist to vote for Obama. They pointed to the large Latino primary vote for Clinton as “proof.”

Latinos resoundingly put the lie to these cynics by voting for Obama by 66 to 32, a huge sixteen-point swing to the Democrats compared to 2004. Even a 58 percent majority of Cubans in Florida, traditionally solidly Republican, went for Obama.

Latinas led the way toward Obama, casting 68 percent of their votes for him and only 30 percent for McCain. Latino voters under 30 went for Obama by 76 to 24, perhaps indicating the direction of future Latino voting patterns.

Asians swung Democratic by fourteen points over 2004, voting for Obama 61 to 35. The political trajectory of Asian voters has been striking. In 1992, Bill Clinton received only 31 percent of the Asian vote. Since then Asians have steadily moved Democratic, reaching a highpoint this year.

So much for the pundits who believed that Latinos and Asians would never unite behind black leadership. These results amount to a massive progressive motion by peoples of color.

Meanwhile the white vote swung toward Obama and the Democrats by five points compared to 2004. White voters under 30 were the only age group among whites to favor Oba ma. They voted for him by 54 to 44. All=2 0other whites voted for McCain by about 57 to 41.

The most anemic swing was made by white women, who voted for McCain by 53 to 46, moving a mere four points toward the Democrats, This was particularly disappointing in light of their ten point swing to Bush from 2000 to 2004, a change that accounted for Bush’s victory in that year.

White men favored McCain by a bigger margin, 57 to 41, but this represented a sizable nine-point swing to the Democrats compared to 2004 when they voted for Bush overwhelmingly, 62 to 37.

Overall, Obama carried the white vote in only 18 states, mostly in the Northeast and the West Coast.

The Changing Color of the Electorate

From a long-range point of view, the change in the racial composition of the electorate as a whole is perhaps even more important than the recent shifts towards the Democrats. In 1976 whites constituted 90 percent of the vote; in 2000 they still accounted for 81 percent. This year the white share of the vote fell to 74 percent, quite a dramatic change in a short time.

Just as surprising, the main group increasing its share of the electorate is not Latinos, but African Americans. Blacks constituted thirty percent of all new voters in 2004, and an even greater mobilization this year brought them to 13 percent of the overall vote, a thirty percent increase over 2000.

The sheer numbers of Latino and Asian voters have risen significan tly over the same period, but their percen tage share of the overall vote is virtually unchanged since 2000: nine percent for Latinos and two percent for Asians. (3)

Surprisingly, the percentage of the electorate that is under thirty years of age, regardless of color, also remained stable, at 17-18 percent. However, these voters increased their Democratic vote by 12 points compared to 2004, voting for Obama by 66 to 32. Young voters were also the main corps of Obama field organizers and their energy gave the campaign much of its movement-like quality.

Historic Realignment?

The true maverick in the 2008 campaign was not McCain who pursued the same old reactionary Republican Southern Strategy, but Obama whose bold strategy of fighting for the South and the Southwest, indeed all fifty states, ran counter to all previous electoral “common sense.”

His success was both astonishing and history making. He won the southwestern states of Nevada, Colorado and New Mexico, and the former Confederate slave states of Virginia, North Carolina and Florida, as well as former slave states Maryland and Delaware. The Latino vote was decisive for Obama in Nevada, New Mexico, Florida and Colorado.

In all, nine states switched from red to blue from 2004 to 2008: Virginia, North Carolina, New Mexico, Colorado, Florida, Indiana, Ohio, New Hampshire and Iowa. Obama lost Missouri by the narrowest of margins.

The historic nature of these victories is brought into sharp relief by the ac companying maps.

The first is=2 0the map of slave versus free states and territories just prior to the Civil War. The other is the electoral map of the 2004 election. Depressingly, they are almost identical: the former slave areas are almost universally Republican and the former free areas, with a couple of exceptions, are Democratic.

Almost 150 years after the abolition of slavery, the political patterns wrought by the “peculiar institution” still shape U.S. politics. Barack Obama’s campaign may mark the beginning of the end of this historic pattern, with tremendous implications for the future of U.S. politics. The main window into this change is the Electoral College.

Electoral College: a Pillar of Racism

It is not so surprising that slavery set the pattern of U.S. politics if one knows that the Electoral College itself was a product of slavery.

The Founding Fathers, led by slaveholders such as George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and James Monroe, invented the Electoral College out of thin air to serve their interests.

They codified the notorious idea that slaves were non-humans, and thus deserving of no constitutional or human rights. The one exception to this rule was the stipulation that slaves were to be counted as three-fifths of a person, solely for the purpose of determining how many congressional representatives each state would be allotted. The three-fifths rule vastly increased the slave power in the House of Representatives20and therefore the Congress.

Th e Electoral College, in which each state receives a number of Electors equal to their congressional delegation, was invented as the institutional means to transfer that same pro-slavery congressional allocation to determining the presidency. Slaveholders held the presidency for 50 of the 72 years before Abraham Lincoln, who was elected in 1860, became the first U.S. president to oppose the expansion of slavery. The South, used to wielding political power through the selective enumeration of slaves, promptly seceded.

Since the end of slavery the Electoral College has remained a racist and conservative instrument. It has given the Republicans a running head start to win the presidency ever since reactionary Southerners switched en masse from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party in protest of the 1960s civil rights legislation.

As then-Republican strategist Kevin Phillips put it in 1970, “The more Negroes who register as Democrats in the South, the sooner the Negrophobe whites will quit the Democrats and become Republicans. That's where the votes are.”

Based on that switch, the Republicans adopted the notorious Southern Strategy that has enabled them to dominate the presidency for the last forty years. The Republicans learned to skillfully fashion a winning combination of the solidly Republican white southern voters with conservative and moderate whites in the Midwest and Southwest, through barely coded racist appeals.

The Southern Strategy has been20the glue with which the Republican Party20has united powerful corporate capitalists to conservative white workers, farmers, gun aficionados, small business owners and suburban homeowners.

Negating the Southern Black Vote

The racial bias embedded in the Electoral College system is the structural basis of the Republican’s Southern Strategy. The winner-take-all Electoral College system ensures, even requires, that about half of all voters of color be marginalized or totally ignored. (4)

About 53 percent of all blacks live in the southern states, and in 2000 and 2004 they voted about 90 percent Democratic. However, in those elections white Republicans out-voted them in every Southern state and every border state except Maryland.

As a result, every single southern Electoral College vote was awarded to Bush. While whites voted 54-42 for Bush nationally in 2000, southern whites gave him over 70 percent of their votes in both 2000 and 2004. They thus completely erased the massive Southern black vote for the Democrats in that region.

The Electoral College result was the same as if blacks, and other Democrats, in the South had not voted at all.

Similarly negated were the votes of millions of Native American and Latino voters who live in overwhelmingly white Republican states like Arizona, Nevada, Oklahoma, Utah, the Dakotas, Montana and Texas. Further, the peoples of Puerto Rico, the U.S. Virgin Islands, American Samoa and Guam, territories ruled by the U.S., get no Elector al College votes at all. The tyranny o f the white, conservative majority prevailed.

Compounding the reactionary and pro-Republican bias of the Electoral College, the system gives as much as three times as much weight to the mainly conservative and white Republicans in the rural states compared to states with large, racially diverse and majority Democratic populations.

For example, Wyoming has a little more than 240,000 voters and has three Electoral College votes: one for every 80,000 or so voters. By comparison large population states like California have about one Electoral College vote for every 220,000 voters.

Thus, the Electoral College system violates the principle of one person, one vote, drastically undermines the impact of the black vote and gives the Republicans a major advantage in presidential contests. Its abolition should be a key part of the progressive agenda.

Final Thoughts

Although the political dynamics of each of the nine states that turned from red to blue in 2008 need to be examined closely in their own right, it is likely that a minimum of three or four will move decisively into the Democratic column. A number of others that swung Democratic in 2008 have moved from being solidly red states to battleground states.

The solid Republican South and Southwest may be a thing of the past. In the wake of Obama’s hard-won victories, the Democrats have no excuse for essentially conceding these regions, as they have done for decades.

This will qualitatively shift the E lectoral College math. Since 1968 the Electoral College has clearly favored the Republicans and the Democrats had to pull off an upset to win. Indeed, Bill Clinton won only because of the third party candidacy of Ross Perot. In the future, it may be that the Electoral College math will favor the Democrats, and that the Republicans can only win by staging an upset.

Just as important, for the first time in U.S. history the two political parties clearly represent the two broad wings of U.S. politics. At the national level, the southern reactionaries no longer hold the Democratic Party hostage.

This augurs well for the possibility that an Obama presidency may be able to gather the political strength to undertake a major restructuring of the economy in favor of working people and peoples of color in general, and to reorganize our foreign policy in a positive direction.

However, there is still a major political element missing from the political equation: a powerful independent peoples’ movement. In the 1930s the union movement, and especially the newly formed, radical CIO, was key to the New Deal. In the 1960s the civil rights movement was the driving force of the War on Poverty.

Herein lies the principal task of progressives in the coming period: to forge powerful independent, mass movements and organizations that can help shape the Obama coalition in a positive way. Our relative success or failure at this task may determine the future o f the U.S. and the world every bit20as much as President Obama himself.

-----------------------------------------------------
Footnotes

1. Unless otherwise noted all voting figures are drawn from the National Exit Polls for 2000, 2004 and 2008, as reported by CNN.

2. I calculate the “swing” or “change” in the vote in the traditional but rather confusing manner as the change in the vote differential. For example, in 2004 blacks voted Democratic by 88 to 11, a 77 point differential. In 2008, they voted Democratic by 95 to 4, a 91 point differential. The vote differential thus changed from 77 points to 91 points, so I report a 14-point “swing” or “change.”

3. No national exit poll numbers are available about Arab or Native American voters for any year.

4. Only Nebraska and Maine allocate their electoral votes more or less proportionate to the vote rather than on a statewide winner-take-all basis.

Sunday, February 15, 2009

That knew black magic . . .


Here is a recent playlist from KDVS. Particulary effective was the sequence begining with Thenlonious Monk's Locomotive and moving through Sterling Brown's Long Gone to Meade Lux Lewis and finally Sidney de Paris.






Count Basie featuring Joe Williams Everyday I Have The Blues Count Basie Swings, Joe Williams Sings Verve

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Thelonious Monk Locomotive Monk Prestige


Sterling Brown Long Gone An Anthology of Negro Poetry Folkways


Meade Lux Lewis Honky Tonk Train Blues Blue Note 1939-1949 Blue Note


Sidney de Paris The Call of the Blues Blue Note 1939-1949 Blue Note

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Eddie Jefferson Sister Sadie The Jazz Singer Inner City


King Pleasure Jazz Jump Mr. Jazz United Artists


Lambert, Hendricks & Ross Avenue C Sings a Song of Basie ABC


Count Basie featuring Joe Williams Roll 'em Pete Count Basie Swings, Joe Williams Sings Verve


Charles Brown Driftin' Blues Driftin' Blues Alladdin


Charles Brown Seven Kisses Mambo Driftin' Blues Alladdin


Sonny Clark News for Lulu Sonny's Crib Blue Note

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Carmen McRae Miss Otis Regrets At The Great American Music Hall Blue Note


Carmen McRae Too Close For Comfort At The Great American Music Hall Blue Note


Carmen McRae Get It Straight Carmen Sings Monk Novus


Thelonious Monk In Walked Bud Misterioso Riverside

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Bud Powell Tea For Two Bud Powell Verve


Bud Powell Hallelujah Bud Powell Verve


Eddie Jefferson It's Only A Paper Moon The Jazz Singer Inner City


Eddie Jefferson Pinetop's Boogie Woogie The Jazz Singer Inner City


King Pleasure featuring Jon Hendricks Don't Get Scared Mr. Jazz United Artists


Albert Ammons Boogie Woogie Blues Blue Note 1939-1949 Blue Note


Edmund Hall All-Stars Seein' Red Blue Note 1939-1949 Blue Note


Claude McKay St. Issac's Church An Anthology of Negro Poetry Folkways


Claude McKay Tropics in New York An ANthology of Negor Poetry Folkways


Claude McKay Introduction to If We Must Die An ANthology of Negro Poetry Folkways


Claude McKay If We Must Die An Anthology of Negro Poetry Folkways


Robert Hayden Runnagate, Runnagate A Hand Is On The Gate Verve-Folkways

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Abbey Lincoln Softly, As In A Morning Sunrise Abbey Is Blue Riverside


Abbey Lincoln Lost In The Stars Abbey Is Blue Riverside


Abbey Lincoln Long As You're Living Abbey Is Blue Riverside


Thelonious Monk Lets Call This Monk Prestige

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

King Pleasure Diaper Pin (That Old Black Magic) Mr. Jazz United Artists

Friday, February 6, 2009

Derrida on Improvisation



'It's not easy to improvise, it's the most difficult thing to do. Even when one improvises in front of a camera or microphone, one ventriloquizes or leaves another to speak in one's place the schemas and languages that are already there. There are already a great number of prescriptions that are prescribed in our memory and in our culture. All the names are already preprogrammed. It's already the names that inhibit our ability to ever really improvise. One can't say what ever one wants, one is obliged more or less to reproduce the stereotypical discourse. And so I believe in improvisation and I fight for improvisation. But always with the belief that it's impossible. And there where there is improvisation I am not able to see myself. I am blind to myself. And it's what I will see, no, I won't see it. It's for others to see. The one who is improvised here, no I won't ever see him.'
JACQUES DERRIDA
UNPUBLISHED INTERVIEW, 1982

Thursday, February 5, 2009

Blues Women on KDVS


Here is a recent play list from the broadcasts I host at KDVS. Most effective, I believe, was the sequence starting out with Duke Ellington, It Don't Mean A Thing, and concluding with Jayne Cortez, 3 Day New York Blues. The image presented here is of Gwendolyn Brooks.





Fats Waller
I'm Crazy About My Baby
Fat's Plays, Sings, Alone & With Various Groups
CBS France


Fats Waller Draggin' My Heart Around Fats Plays, Sings, Alone & With Various Groups CBS France


Fats Waller Us On A Bus Complete Recordings Volume 10 RCA France


Alberta Hunter Sugar Women Of The Blues RCA


Alberta Hunter Beale Street Blues Women Of The Blues RCA


Duke Ellington featuring Baby Cox The Mooche The Music Of Duke Ellington Columbia


Duke Ellington featuring Ivy Anderson Mood Indigo The Music Of Duke Ellington Columbia

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Duke Ellington featuring Marie Ellington, Joya Sherrill & Kay Davis It Don't Mean A Thing (If It Ain't Got That Swing) Johnny Come Lately RCA


Nellie Lutcher My New Papa's Got To Have Everything My New Papa's Got To Have Everything Jukebox Lil' (Sweden)


Lil' Green Now What Do You Think? Chicago 1940-1947 Rosetta Records


Margaret Walker Kissie Lee Anthology Of Negro Poetry Folkways


'Sippi Wallace You Gonna Need My Help Women Of The Blues RCA


'Sippi Wallace I'm A Mighty Tight Woman Women Of The Blues RCA


Jayne Cortez featuring Richard Davis 3 Day New York Blues Celebrations & Solitudes Strata-East

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Carmen McRae When Sunny Gets Blue Bittersweet Focus


Carmen McRae How Did He Look? Bittersweet Focus


Carmen McRae Guess I'll Hang My Tears Out To Dry Bittersweet Focus


Carmen McRae The Meaning Of The Blues Bittersweet Focus


Gwendolyn Brooks The Preacher Ruminates Antholgy Of Negro Poetry Folkways


Gwendolyn Brooks The Children Of The Poor, Sonnet #2 Anthology Of Negro Poetry Folkways


Gwendolyn Brooks Old Laughter Anthology Of Negro Poetry Folkways


Duke Ellington The New East St. Louis Toodle-Lo The Music Of Duke Ellington Columbia


Lil' Green Romance In The Dark Chicago 1940-1947 Rosetta Records


Billie Holiday Rocky Mountain Blues Shades Of Blue Sunset


Billie Holiday Detour Ahead Shades Of Blue Sunset

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Carmen McRae Sometimes I'm Happy Woman Talk Mainstream


Carmen McRae Woman Talk Woman Talk Mainstream


Ntozake Shange (read by Laurie Carlos) Sorry For Colored Girls Who Have Considered Suicide When The Rainbow Is Enuf Buddha


Monette Moore Somebody's Been Loving My Baby Women Of The Blues RCA


Monette Moore Hard Hearted Papa Women Of The Blues RCA


Duke Ellington The New Black & Tan Fantasy The Music Of Duke Ellington Columbia


Duke Ellington Johnny Come Lately Johnny Come Lately RCA

-----------------------------air break-----------------------------

Lil' Green What's The Matter With Love? Chicago 1940-1947 Rosetta Records


Lil' Green Why Don't You Do Right? Chicago 1940-1947 Rosetta Records


Bud Powell Trio Tempus Fugit The Genius Of Bud Powell Verve


Bud Powell Trio Celia The Genius Of Bud Powell Verve


Bud Powell Trio Cherokee The Genius Of Bud Powell Verve


Bud Powell Solo Parisian Thouroughfare The Genius Of Bud Powell Verve


Bud Powell Solo Oblivion The Genius Of Bud Powell Verve


Bud Powell Solo Dusk In Sandi The Genius Of Bud Powell Verve


Jayne Cortez featuring Richard Davis Making It Celebrations & Solitudes Strata-East


Jayne Cortez featuring Richard Davis So Long Celebrations & Solitudes Strata-East

Wednesday, February 4, 2009

Your Mama Reads Joyce


Your Mama Reads Joyce



Your Mama reads James Joyce
Makes up words on her own
Talks shop with washerwomen
Sopping shorts in Finnegans Wake

Your Mama reads Garcia Lorca
Spits olive pits at the moon
Plants seeds away from the sun
Replaces the small hand with a scar

Your Mama reads Andre Breton
Loads the grey haired revolver
Pulls ice from the teeth of Okapi clouds
Lifts periods from menopausal bulldaggers

Your Mama reads Gunter Grass
Cuts feet on nights broken glass
Stuffs handbills into statues of Marx
Blesses Black Forest trees with ice wine

Your Mama reads Richard Wright
Stokes fires of black reds in heat
Spills being on Hegel & C.L.R. James
Knocks back vin rouge with Bud Powell in Paris
Traces bitter geography with a blunt sword

Your Mama reads Ishmael Reed
Inventor of papyrus, a printers devil
Truculent pugilist of unsung infamy
Long song of blackness at the end of the tunnel

Your Mama reads I. Reed
reads Wright
reads Grass
reads Breton
reads the duende of a new moon
She even reads Joyce,
and whats more she finishes the book!

Now, whats wrong with yuh?







Justin Desmangles